ON  THE 


RIGHTS  AND  POWERS 

OP  • \ ' 

■ . \ 

\ ' 

CORF  ORATIONS. 


A NOTICE 


OF  THE 


PAMPHLET  BY  A CITIZEN  OF  BOSTON. 


BY  HIS  FELLOW  CITIZEN. 


BOSTON; 

PRINTED  FOR  THE  AUTHOR. 
1837. 


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on  this  subject,  which  we  cannot  get  over,  under,  or  round.^'  The  same 
thing  was  said  in  the  British  Parliament — “I  defy  you,  Gentlemen,  said 

Lord to  make  a law  on  this  subject,  through  which  I cannot 

drive  my  coach  and  four. 

Will  any  one  deny  that  Bank  charters  have  been  obtained  in  other 
States  than  Massachusetts,  when  the  public  exigencies  did  not  require 
them,  and  that  more  may  be  had  without  any  known  limit  by  the  same 
means  ? Can  it  be  disputed,  that  the  same  power  which  is  able  to 
inflict  on  the  community  a new  Bank  Charter,  is  also  able  to  give  it 
privileges  not  consistent  with  public  good,  and  to  prevent  such  changes 
and  modifications  in  its  charter,  as  the  public  good  may  require? 
Does  not  the  resistance  in  this  State  to  the  suppression  of  small  Bills, 
answer  this  question  victoriously? 

Have  manufacturing  Corporations  no  influence  over  legislation, 
beyond  that  of  the  fair  votes  of  the  Stock-Holders?  Ask  any  candid, 
honest  man,  whether  he  believes  that  all  the  operatives  vote  according 
to  their  own  sense  of  right,  or  even  their  own  remote  interest?  Have 
the  Railway  and  Bridge  Corporations  never  obtained  privileges  in 
the  Legislature, inconsistent  with  public  good,  and  sometimes  exercised 
them  to  the  unlawful  injury  of  private  rights?  Have  they  not  ob- 
tained, and  retained,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  superior  and  partial 
privileges,  to  the  prejudice  of  each  other  1 There  are  now  in  Court, 
several  cases  of  conflicting  rights  between  these  great  aspirants  to 
public  favor. 

Did  not  Charlestown  Bridge  Corporation  obtain  an  extension  of 
its  charter  for  forty  years,  without  any  just  claim  on  the  public  be- 
yond its  original  grant  ? How  shall  we  account  for  such  favors, 
but  by  supposing  some  undue  influence  by  the  chartered  power? 
What  did  Charlestown  Bridge  Corporation  for  the  public,  to  entitle  it 
to  a prolonged  right  of  raising  a heavy  tax  on  travel  ? Banks  are 
said  to  pay  for  their  privileges  by  the  tax  of  one  per  centum  on  their 
capital ; but  the  public  will  learn  one  of  these  days  this  is  an  Indiaii 
gift — give  one,  and  take  ten.  In  fact,  how  can  any  institution  aflbrd 
to  give,  unless  it  take  back  in  some  indirect  way  more  than  it  gave? 

Before  I look  into  the  facts  stated,  and  the  arguments  of  the  pamphlet 
before  me,  I will  draw  a hasty  inference  from  the  remarks  above,  in 
anticipation  of  the  conclusion  I may  come  to,  after  a more  mature 
consideration  of  our  author’s  facts  and  conclusions. 

If  a few  corporations,  interaiding  each  other,  on  the  Log-rolling 
system,  have  obtained  charters,  which  experience  shows  to  be  prejudi- 
cial to  the  public  and  private  interest,  certainly  less  advantageous  to  the 
public  than  was  expected ; if  they  have  in  this  feeble  state  been  able  to 
frustrate  the  eflbrts  of  the  Legislature  to  correct  their  abuses,  what  rea- 
sonable hope  remains  of  correcting  by  legislation  future  abuses,  when 
the  number  and  power  of  these  corporations  are  yearly  increasing? 

Would  it  be  an  unnatural  or  a forced  position,  to  anticipate  the 
time,  and  that  not  distant,  when  the  whole  power  of  this  State  will  be 
held  and  exercised  by  the  stockholders  of  Corporations  ? If  they  can 
control  the  Legislature  now,  so  much  as  we  must  acknowledge  they 


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do,  must  not  their  power  increase  with  their  wealth  and  numbers? 
If  these  conclusions  be  just,  and  the  anticipations  well-founded,  we 
have  in  prospect  a Government  very  different  from  that  which  our 
forefathers  intended  to  establish  ; a Government,  not  of  the  majority, 
but  of  the  minority;  not  of  the  people,  but  of  money.  The  very 
thing  which  our  wise  ancestors  so  much  dreaded,  and  labored  so 
much  to  guard  against,  by  what  seemed  to  them  sufficient  security. 
This  is  one  of  those  cases  as  demonstrable  as  the  simplest  problem 
in  mathematics. 

If  w’e  admit  that  there  has  been  any  undue  influence  heretofore,  by 
Corporations,  in  their  former  weak  state,  that  influence  must  increase 
with  their  numbers.  If  they  have  possessed  an  undue  share  of  the 
legislative  power  heretofore,  that  share  of  power  must  also  increase 
until  it  check  itself,  or  some  violent  commotion  bring  it  to  a violent 
end.  Check  itself,  it  will  not ; for  it  is  not  in  the  nature  of  man  or 
Corporations,  to  put  bounds  to  their  own  wealth  or  power.  Thence  I 
conclude  that  the  increase  of  Corporations,  or  the  augmentation  even 
of  the  capital  and  powers  of  those  now  extant,  will  very  soon  establish 
a Government  of  Corporations  in  the  State;  although  those  who  thus 
get  possession  of  the  power,  will  at  first  prudently  content  themselves 
with  the  substance  and  leave  the  shadow ; that  is,  the  forms  of  leg- 
islation, as  they  now  exist. 

Can  we  remain  as  we  now  are  ? I doubt  it.  Can  we  recede;  that 
is,  curtail  the  present  corporate  power?  I doubt  that.  But  what  I 
do  not  doubt  is,  that  we  shall  continue  in  this  vicious  course,  until  the 
Corporate  Government  becomes  so  oppressive,  that  some  sudden  burst 
of  public  indignation  will  overturn  the  whole  system,  to  the  consterna- 
tion and  ruin  of  thousands,  both  innocent  and  guilty,  with  the  accom- 
paniment, perhaps,  of  civil  war.  Civil  w^ar  would  probably  be  the 
consequence,  if  the  same  blind  infatuation  pervaded  the  Corporations, 
which  their  partizans  have  sometimes  exhibited ; and  in  this  case, 
they  would  have  the  Laws  on  their  side;  Laws  of  their  own  making; 
and  their  own  expounders  and  commentators  on  the  Bench,  most  of 
whom  w'ould  have  unfortunately  a deep  pecuniary  interest  in  the 
issue.  But  where  would  be  the  force  to  put  these  laws  in  execution, 
or  the  sanguinary  laws  which  the  occasion  might  call  for  ? 

Our  author  has  gone  far  back  into  the  history  of  corporations ; so 
far,  indeed,  as  those  corporations  which  the  laboring  and  trading 
people  in  the  feudal  times  of  Europe,  obtained  from  the  barons,  their 
lords,  and  masters,  who  were  poor  in  money,  and  were  willing  to  con- 
cede much  to  their  vassals,  slaves,  and  semi-slaves  to  obtain  money  to 
defray  their  expenses  going  to  the  wars  of  the  crusaders.  These 
Corporations  were  monopolies,  on  a small  scale,  among  men  of  the 
same  craft,  to  exclude  foreign  competition,  and  thus  to  keep  up  prices. 

When  Boston  was  about  to  be  incorporated  as  a city,  there  wms  an 
opinion  prevalent  among  some  of  our  mechanics,  that  their  trades 
would  be  protected  from  the  competition  of  similar  trades  from  the 
neighboring  towms ; and  many  voted  for  the  change,  probably,  in  this 
expectation.  Such  corporations  exist,  at  the  present  time,  in  various 


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parts  of  Europe,  and  do  not  prevent  the  wares  produced  by  the  corpo- 
rators'from  being  sold  at  the  lowest  living  price ; or  the  corporators, 
who  are  all  workmen,  laboring  in  their  own  shops  or  houses,  individ- 
ually for  their  customers,  as  they  do  here,  from  being  miserably  poor. 

These  corporations  I admit,  however,  contributed  much  to  emanci- 
pate the  wmrkingmen,  w'ho  were  slaves,  or  semi-slaves  to  the  Barons; 
for  they  enabled  them  to  combine  their  forces.  They  acquired  riches 
and’power,  and  used  them  both  to  acquire  more,  as  our  great  corpo- 
rators are  now  doing.  But  the  sum  total  of  the  riches  and  power 
thus  acquired,  w^as  not  enough  to  prevent  their  being  plundered  by 
their  chivalrous  barons,  w^hen  they  returned  from  the  East,  where 
they  had  learned  the  useful  arts  of  Government.  Thus  these  corpo- 
rations gave  liberty  to  the  Covipanions,  it  is  true,  but  it  gave  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  their  increased  products,  the  fruit  of  emancipation,  to 
their  Law-making  masters. 

Corporations  with  us,  are  now  found  in  other  hands,  and  for  other 
purposes ; not  for  emancipation,  or  to  enrich  the  laborers,  but  to  en- 
slave them,  and  keep  them  poor ; to  deprive  them  openly  and  effectu- 
ally of  their  civil  rights,  and  make  them  instrumental  in  forging 
chains  for  their  own  and  their  children’s  hands,  through  their  con- 
trolled votes  at  the  polls. 

Our  author  informs  us,  that  Adam  Smith  reprobates  these  Corpo- 
rations, because 

‘‘The  exclusive  privileges  of  Corporations  and  all  those  laws  which 
restrain,  in  any  particular  employments,  the  competition  to  a smaller 
number  than  might  otherwise  go  into  them,  have  a tendency  to  make 
the  price  of  articles  of  labor,  in  that  particular  trade,  the  highest  which 
can  possibly  be  obtained.” 

Our  author  concludes  this  quotation,  by  remarking 

“ That  these  historical  facts  show  the  great  change  which  time  has 
wrought,  even  in  Europe,  in  the  nature  and  objects  of  Corporations  ; 
but  much  greater  changes  (he  says)  have  been  made  in  them  in  this 
country.” 

It  does  not  appear  to  me  that  Adam  Smith’s  objections  to  little 
corporations,  whose  members  all  work  separately  and  remain  poor,  is 
at  all  inapplicable  to  large  corporations,  which  are  rich,  and  combined 
in  one  powerful  mass  in  our  Legislative  Halls,  where  they  cause  laws 
to  be  framed  for  their  own  protection,  against  all  foreign  competition  ; 
and,  sometimes,  against  a fair  share  of  domestic  taxes.  The  poor 
corporations  against  which  Adam  Smith  objects,  certainly  never  had 
the  power  to  protect  themselves  against  foreign  competition,  or  against 
the  unequal  taxes  at  home.  In  fine,  these  little  corporations  are  not 
to  be  tolerated,  although  all  their  members  toil  incessantly,  but  remain 
poor;  because,  forsooth,  they  check  a competition  wanted  to  make 
them  poorer ; while  large  modern  corporations  are  to  be  encouraged, 
because  their  members,  forsooth,  do  not  work  at  all,  but  grow  rich 
with  a little  legislative  aid.  make  laws  to  protect  themselves  against 
competition,  and  want  to  grow  richer. 


4 


7 

“ In  England  (says  our  author)  many  corporations  are  monopolies; 
here,  they  have  only  particular  powers.” 

I confess  that  I cannot  understand  the  difference  between  the  monop- 
oly of  things,  and  the  particular  special  power  to  produce  things.  If 
our  corporations  have  particular  powers,  which  powers  are  not  com- 
mon to  all  citizens,  they  have  so  far  a monopoly  of  power,  which  is 
available  for  profit,  or  they  would  not  ask  for  it.  Again  ; 

“In  England  (he  informs  us)  corporations  are  created  for  individual 
benefit;  but  here,  for  the  common  good.” 

If  our  author  can  make  out  this  last  position,  he  will  have  estab- 
lished his  main  position,  namely ; that  all  corporations  are  under  the 
absolute  control  of  the  Government,  to  alter,  modify,  or  annul  them  ■ 
for  he  justly  remarks, 

“ That  the  interest  of  corporations,  as  well  as  individuals,  must  yield 
to  the  common  good,  when  they  stand  in  its  way.” 

But  the  question  will  always  recur;  What  is  the  Government,  and 
who  controls  it  ? If  the  elections  were  as  free  and  unbiassed  as  our 
ancestors  here  and  in  England  have  often  attempted  to  make  them, 
there  might  be  some  hope  of  seeing  created  or  retained,  no  corpora- 
tions or  other  institutions,  but  such  as  were  really  beneficial  to  the 
public. 

“ In  Europe,  (the  pamphlet  says,)  to  grant  exclusive  privileges  to 
favored  individuals,  to  allow,  and  encourage  the  accumulation  of  prop- 
erty in  large  masses,  by  means  of  primogeniture  laws,  and  hereditary 
entails,  owned,  and  controlled  by  the  elder  branches  of  families,  is  ac- 
cording to  the  genius  of  their  institutions.  By  these  means,  most  of 
the  works  which  a civilized  condition  demands,  and,  which  can  only 
be  effected  by  a concentrated  money  power,  can  thus  be  carried  on  in 
Europe  by  individual  wealth.” 

Our  author  continues ; 

“Here,  the  reverse  is  the  case;  our  ancestors  came  here  poor;  the 
fundamental  principles  of  their  institutions,  were  to  elevate  the  char- 
acter, and  improve  the  condition  of  the  whole  mass,  by  diffusing  among 
all  the  citizens  an  equality  of  wealth,  as  well  as  of  political  rights  and 
privileges.  The  laws  of  primogeniture  and  entail,  were  not  recog- 
nized; monopolies,  except  for  new  inventions  that  were  profitable  to 
the  country,  and  those  for  a short  time,  were  forbidden  by  a colonial 
law,  as  early  as  1611.  Our  ancestors,  however,  were  fully  aware  of 
the  value  and  importance  of  associated  and  concentrated  wealth,  in 
carrying  forward  great  works,  which  an  advanced  and  improved  civil- 
ization demands.  They  gave  charters  of  incorporation,  but  they  gave 
them  neither  as  monopolies  nor  perpetuities.” 

Our  author  goes  on  to  state,  that  these  corporations  were  for  the 
public  good,  and  never  beyond  the  reach  of  legislative  action;  and, 


considering  the  minute  division  of  property  among  the  mass  of  citi- 
zens, that  they  are  jjecnliarly  adapted  to  benefit  persons  of  small 
means  and  limited  knowlege  of  business,  who,  by  a concentration  of 
their  wealth,  and  a union  of  councils,  can  come  into  fair  and  safe  com- 
petition with  the  skilful  and  the  wealthy.  By  way  of  illustrating  the 
advantage  of  corporations  to  men  of  small  means,  he  brings  to  view 
the  Corporation  for  constructing  a Breakwater  at  Sandy  Bay ; which, 
he  tells  us, 

“Was  the  means  of  raising  forty  thousand  dollars,  in  labor  and  mon- 
ey, and  has  accomplished  that  useful  work.” 

This  is  a fair  and  a favorable  sample  of  associated  labors  in  new 
countries;  and  many  such  were  those  probably  of  our  ancestors,  al- 
luded to  by  our  author,  and  called  Charters.  No  one  can  object  to 
such  works  being  undertaken  and  accomplished  in  some  given,  but 
short  time,  with  as  little  of  legislation  as  possible,  and  none,  if  it  could 
be  done  without. 

The  making  wharves  at  South  Boston,  and  land  at  South  Cove,  are 
works  of  pubUc  utility ; yet  I should  be  unwilling  to  see  them  held, 
for  an  indefinite  period,  as  joint  stock  property ; and  as  soon  as  the  pub- 
lic has  derived  all  the  advantage  it  can  expect  from  the  enterprize,  by 
its  completion,  such  property  should  be  sold,  and  come  under  the 
general  laws  in  regard  to  Real  Estates. 

But  there  is  a wide  difference  between  such  temporary  associations, 
whose  end  and  object  are  visible  and  limited,  and  Manufacturing  Cor- 
porations with  their  millions,  building  Cities,  and  controlling  the 
political  action  of  their  inhabitants ; in  fact,  disfranchising  the  country, 
and  bringing  tHe  whole  power  of  the  State  into  the  city,  which  holds 
and  controls  the  capital. 

The  united  labors  of  our  forefathers,  alluded  to,  were  the  indispensa- 
ble consequence  of  their  physical  weakness.  It  was  the  true,  legiti- 
mate, neighborly,  and  praise-worthy  system  of  hog-rollings  still  prac- 
tised in  our  new  settlements.  A sloop  might  be  wanting  by  the  Pil- 
grims at  Plymouth,  to  survey  the  bay,  or  to  catch  fish ; it  became  then 
highly  expedient  that  the  whole  colony  of  forty-four,  should  unite  and 
build  one.  This  was  labor  for  the  common  good.  But  if  three  or 
four  of  the  Pilgrims  had,  by  telling  a specious  story  about  public 
goods  obtained  rights  and  privileges  exempting  their  fishing  labors 
from  an  equal  share  of  the  public  burthens,  compared  with  agricultural 
and  mechanic  labors,  or  any  other  advantages,  which  would  make 
their  dollars  or  their  labors  more  productive  of  profit  than  the  dollars 
and  labors  of  the  other  colonists,  then  it  would  have  been  better  the 
sloop  had  not  been  built,  and  that  they  should  have  eaten  clams,  until 
some  enterprizing  individuals  should  see  fit  to  build  a sloop  for  their 
own  account. 

Our  author  has  high  authority  for  saying  that  Corporations  are  ben- 
eficial to  men  of  small  means.  Governor  Everett,  in  his  first  official 
message,  says  the  same  thing  in  relation  to  Banks.  He  said  more, 
indeed ; he  said  they  were  injurious  to  men  of  capital.  This  was  an 


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attempt  to  prove  too  much ; because  we  know,  that  without  the  aid  of 
men  of  capital,  in  and  out  of  the  Legislature,  and  with  their  superfluous 
wealth,  great  works  would  not  be  achieved  by  Corporations,  or  great 
Banks  be  instituted. 

Considering  that  the  pamphlet  I have  in  review  is  supposed  to  pro- 
ceed from  a Democratic  writer,  and  is  widely  circulated  among  that 
class  of  citizens,  it  is  a subject  of  regret  to  find  the  favorite  engine  of 
the  high  federal  party  taken  into  favor,  and  eulogized,  even  with  all 
the  deductions  of  power,  independence  of  future  legislation,  and  per- 
petuity, which  the  federalists  claim  for  Corporations,  but  which  our 
author  denies  to  them.  Grant  them  the  thing  in  sufficient  quantities, 
and  if  they  do  not  bring  all  legislation  to  coincide  with  their  wildest 
pretensions,  there  is  no  truth  in  the  saying  of  Hume,  who  said, — 

“ Where  the  Constitution  allows  any  share  oj  power,  though  small, 
to  an  order  of  men  who  possess  a large  share  of  property,  it  is  easy 
for  them,  gradually,  to  stretch  their  authority,  and  bring  the  balance: 
of  power  to  coincide  with  that  of  property  ^ 

Another  English  writer  remarks,— 

“ That  it  is  a principle  of  human  nature,  when  men  possess  the  pow- 
er, they  will  pursue  their  own  interest  at  the  expense  of  others.  The 
wealthy  classes  in  this  country,  (England,)  by  influencing  the  poor,  or 
dependent  electors,  possess  the  real  power  of  making  the  laws,  and  im- 
posing taxes,  and,  consequently,  the  richer  classes  plunder  the  people.” 

In  Europe,  as  our  author  justly  remarks,  the  rights  of  the  people  are 
assailed  by  the  privileged  by  birthright,  and  the  wealthy  classes.  I will 
add  that  the  people  there  are  poor  and  ignorant,  and  of  course  are  an  easy 
prey  to  their  oppressors.  But  in  America,  the  people  are  neither  poor 
or  ignorant,  yet  they  are  grievously  wronged.  They  have  to  Contend 
with  the  wealthy,  (old  and  new,)  who  constitute  the  elite  of  the  op- 
posing army.  This  is  a permanent  undying  mass,  although  its 
members  are  shifting  daily ; it  is  a corporation,  in  fact,  ruled  by  the 
same  tacit  principles  and  by-laws.  But  this  body  is  not  the  most  nu- 
merous or  the  least  scrupulous.  The  expectants  of  wealth,  and  hon- 
ors to  be  obtained  without  much  labor  or  much  merit,  through  the 
law-making  power,  constitute  the  main  body,  and  the  activity  and 
mobility  of  the  grand  army  of  abuses.  They  have  nothing  to  lose, 
and  all  to  hope  for;  and  are  ready  to  do  many  things  in  ward  meet- 
ings, in  caucuses,  at  the  polls,  and  afterwards  in  the  Legislatures, 
which  men  of  wealth  and  good  standing  in  society,  would  not  do 
openly  themselves.  Add  to  this  power  that  proceeding  from  the 
forced  control  which  wealthy  corporations  have  over  numerous  un- 
willing victims,  remote  from  their  immediate  power,  and  we  shall 
find  that  the  remainder  of  the  people,  although  perhaps  more  nume- 
rous, are  too  much  scattered,  divided,  and  enthralled  by  the  specious 
arguments  of  the  first  talents  of  the  country,  which  are  unfortunately 
enlisted  in  this  unholy  crusade  against  principles,  to  resist  it. 

Whatever  good  may  have  come  from  the  ancient  Corpoiations,  to 

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which  our  author  alludes,  it  appears  to  me  evident,  that  the  increase  of 
Corporations,  such  as  we  now  have,  must  infallibly  lead  to  a crisis, 
not  to  be  wished  for  by  prudent  men  \vho  have  something  to  lose. 
Safety  is  not  to  be  found  here  for  wealth,  obtained  by  classes,  through 
unjust  means.  In  old  countries,  where  these  systems  have  thrived, 
and  arrived  to  such  a degree  of  maturity,  as  to  be  now  too  heavy  for 
the  tree  that  bore  them,  and  are  threatening  destruction  to  their  pos- 
sessors, there  have  been  formerly  means  of  safety,  which  grew,  in 
part  out  of  the  very  system  ; namely,  an  army  of  armed  paupers,  al- 
ways ready  to  awe  into  submission  the  unarmed  laboring  paupers. 
But  that  source  of  safety  for  usurped  powers,  and  wealth,  acquired 
by  legal  frauds,  is  wanting  in  our  country.  The  armed,  physical 
force  is  yet  on  the  side  of  popular  rights.  And  if  the  wrongs  already 
perpetrated  have  not  yet  enlightened  the  industrious  and  honest  part 
of  the  community,  a little  more  of  the  same  sort  of  knowledge,  from 
that  same  source,  icill  enlighten  and  unite  them.  What  one  hun- 
dred Corporations  may  have  failed  to  accomplish,  one  thousand  may. 

Although  thirty  Banks  in  this  City,  have  not  yet  taught  its  inhab- 
itants, their  secret  and  progressive  effects,  a few  more  of  them  may 
do  it. 

The  incorporation  of  Aveavers  and  spinners,  may  not  yet  have  alarm- 
ed the  agriculturalists,  and  mechanics.  But  when  Land  Corpora- 
tions, and  a few  more  mechanic  Corporations  make  their  appearance, 
an  alarm  will  be  the  consequence,  unless  printing  and  speaking  be- 
come also  monopolies. 

I have  looked  in  vain  over  the  pamphlet  before  me,  for  some  check 
to  the  indefinite  extension  of  the  system  of  Corporations,  which  it  ad- 
vocates. But  the  writer  seems  not  to  have  considered  numbers  or 
objects  of  any  importance,  and  is  inclined  to  trust  too  implicitly,  to 
the  salutary  checks  which  legislation  may  devise  to  prevent  abuses. 
I will  repeat  again  ; If  legislation  have  not  yet  shown  that  it  possessed 
the  power  to  correct  the  most  flagrant  abuses  and  infractions  of  statute 
laws  by  Corporations,  in  their  comparatively  feeble  state,  what  hope 
have  we  of  a remedy,  when  the  disorder,  will  be  found,  ten-fold  in- 
creased ? 

Let  us  admit,  that  which  our  author  wishes  to  establish ; namely, 
that  Corporations,  in  ancient  feudal  times,  have  rendered  good  service, 
by  balancing,  and  then  breaking  down  the  tyranny  of  steel-clad,  ig- 
norant, and  titled  ruffians.  Then  indeed  did  mechanical  and  com- 
mercial Corporations,  by  the  force  of  their  combined  skill  and  wealth, 
break  the  chains  of  baronical  slavery.  It  was  then,  the  many  against 
the  /cM’,  who  had  usurped  unnatural  powers.  The  few  were  van- 
quished ; but  a compromise  took  place,  something  like  our  amalga- 
mations, when  federalists  become  suple,  after  castigation ; and  like 
them,  too,  did  the  descendants  of  the  Old  Barons,  by  amalgamation 
of  blood, — marrying  the  richest  heiresses,  of  the  new  and  rising  no- 
bility, recover  their  power,  and  improve  their  condition.  And  their 
new  allies  taught  them  easier  and  safer  ways  of  fleecing  the  working 
classes,  than  by  open  and  violent  plunder. 


II 


But,  how  stands  the  contest  now?  It  is  not  wealth  against  pre- 
scriptive privilege,  as  in  the  times  alluded  to ; it  is  wealth  against  la- 
bor. It  is  wealth,  as  a great  body  Corporate,  throughout  this  Union, 
striving  to  arm  itself  with  something  like  the  privileges,  which  wealth 
in  former  times  had  broken  down.  When  wealth  was  fighting  the 
battles  of  the  oppressed  many,  against  the  tyrannical  jew,  it  was 
proper  enough  that  it  should  avail  itself  of  all  advantages,  and  obtain 
privileges  if  it  could ; and  being  then  possessed  of  knowledge,  too, 
superior  to  the  Lordly  Nobles,  who  made  a boast  of  their  ignorance 
of  Letters,  they  had  this  advantage  over  their  oppressors. 

Money  has  assumed  the  place  of  titles.  Ou  r nobles  count  not  their 
armorial  quartering^,  but  their  dollars^  and  those  who  have  the 
most,  have  the  most  nobility,  w^hether  they  come  from  the  lap-stone, 
or  the  dung-hill;  whether  got  by  wholesale  fraud  in  the  Legislature, 
or  by  petty  fraud  in  the  grog-shop. 

The  wealthy  are  no  longer  classed  among  the  vulgar  people,  by 
a proud  aristocracy  of  birthright,  who  kicked,  plundered,  and 
hanged  them  as  Jewish  dogs.  The  wealthy,  at  various  times  since 
our  Revolution,  have  attempted  to  obtain  a separate  and  superior 
representation  of  wealth,  which  is,  in  fact,  the  first  step  towards  form- 
ing a distinct  class.  In  the  small  degrees,  in  which  it  has  been  at- 
tained, it  is  a monopoly  of  power,  over  the  laws,  the  very  worst  of 
monopolies.  Who  will  deny,  that  there  is  a contest  for  power  in  this 
country,  between  two  classes  ? It  will  not  do  to  say,  that  it  is  not  a 
contest  between  classes,  because  some  of  each  class  may  be  found  in 
the  opposite  class,  and  that  is  a mere  difference  in  principle,  a polit- 
ical contest  between  a few  men.  That  question  may  be  settled  by  a 
glance  over  the  composition  of  the  parties ; one  consists  of  rich  men, 
and  their  sycophants;  and  the  other,  of  the  farmers  and  mechanics 
principally.  One  class  is  the  producer  of  wealth,  and  the  other,  the 
monopolizer  of  wealth,  by  fair  means,  or  foul ; by  industry,  and 
economy,  or  by  public  and  private  frauds.  The  wealthy  class,  now 
called  the  Conservatives;  because  they  wish  to  perpetuate  the  abuses 
through  which  they  have  grown,  and  are  still  growing  rich.  This 
class  assumes  the  rank,  and  awkwardly  apes  the  manners  of  the  con- 
servative, and  noble  classes  in  Europe ; and  is  striving  for  privileges, 
which  give  profits  without  labor ; to  degrade  the  laborer,  and  elevate 
the  successful  intriguer.  These  new  invaders  of  popular  rights 
think  to  escape  detection,  because  they  cannot  yet  be  designated  by  a 
name,  or  traced  to  a location,  or  confined  to  a determined  number  of 
families  and  cannot  entail  their  wealth  on  their  children.  But  the 
oppression  of  a combination  of  Corporations,  whose  members  might 
be  the  sons  of  rich  men,  or  of  poor  men ; men  of  yesterday,  or  of  to- 
day; taught,  or  untaught;  mechanical  or  professional  men;  I sav 
the  oppression  would  be  the  same ; and  perhaps  more  galling  than 
that  which  afflicts  the  humble  poor  of  Europe,  who  are  accustomed 
to  a conventional  superiority  of  the  gentry  and  nobility.  They,  in 
fact,  would  be  more  refined  and  civil  in  their  oppression — and  more 
graceful.  If  a war  of  opinion  exist  in  our  country,  there  must  be 


12 


two  parties  to  it.  Now,  who  are  they  ? They  are,  labor,  and  capital. 
The  latter  contending  for  privileges  and  exemptions,  through  legis- 
lative Charters,  which,  they  contend,  do  give  to  the  public  a fair 
equivalent  for  these  favors,  and  do  really  benefit  the  other  complain- 
ing party  more  than  they  injure  it. 

The  former  deny  these  advantages,  and  contend  that  they  are  inju- 
rious to  their  interest ; that  they  throw  an  unequal  share  of  the  bur- 
thens of  state  upon  them,  by  indirect  means,  ^nd  increase  the  inequal- 
ity in  society,  which  is  already  too  great. 

Here  are  two  parties,  as  distinct  as  ever  were  those  of  former  times ; 
and  the  distance  between  them  will  increase,  yearly,  if  the  system  of 
corporations  be  continued,  f Now,  shall  legislation  lend  its  aid  to  accel- 
erate the  catastrophe,  Avhich  must  terminate  this  unequal  and  unjust 
system  ? Shall  we  legislate  to  make  slaves  of  our  fellow-citizens, 
because  history  and  our  author  tell  us  that,  legislation  and  Corpo- 
.rations,  once  aided  to  emancipate  the  oppressed  ancestors  of  these  same 
fellow-citizens  ? 

However  little  similarity  there  is  between  the  circumstances  of  the 
old  and  the  new  world,  there  are  some  points  of  history  where  they 
approach. 

“ Until  the  reign  of  Servius  Tullius,  the  people  of  Rome  were  in 
possession  of  the  highest  power.  By  the  establishment  of  universal 
suffrage  (all  votes  being  equal)  they  held  in  their  hand  the  supreme  au- 
thority, and  they  may  fearlessly  challenge  their  adversaries  to  show 
where  that  authority  was  abused  or  misused.  Nothing  is  heard  of  those 
fierce  contests  between  the  different  orders  of  the  state,  which  were 
presented  afterwards.  The  people,  satisfied  with  the  possession  of 
power,  cared  not  to  exert  it,  except  when  the  welfare  of  the  state  re- 
quired it,  and  readily  concurred  in  the  wishes  of  those  whose  rank  and 
wealth  gave  strength  to  their  recommendations.  Under  Servius,  a new 
era  commenced.  He  formed  the  design  of  transferring  the  chief  au- 
thority to  the  nobility  and  Patricians ; but  fearing  the  resentment  of 
the  people,  if  he  openly  avowed  his  object,  he  artfully  held  out  a bait 
of  considerable  allurement  to  divert  their  attention  from  his  real  ob- 
ject. Under  the  specious  pretext  of  diverting  the  burthen  of  taxation 
from  the  poorer  classes  to  the  richer  ones,  he  introduced  the  Census, 
whereby  the  wealth,  or  rank  of  each  individual,  was  for  the  future  to 
be  the  measure  of  his  political  privilege.  He  then  proceeded  to  a new 
mode  of  collecting  the  votes,  which  was  destructive  to  majorities,  and 
thus  threw  the  power  into  the  hands  of  the  Patricians.’’ 

Who  cannot  discover  symptoms  of  the  same  officious,  fostering 
care,  of  the  good,  and  too  confiding  people  in  this  country,  by  the 
Tulliuses  of  America ; less  polished,  to  be  sure,  but  not  less  cunning. 

Sixteen  years  ago,  they  promised,  not  only  to  give  us  cloths  and 
calicoes,  not  only  cheaper  than  we  then  paid  for  them,  but  cheaper 
than  we  could  get  them  any  where  else ; and  that,  in  a few  years. 
The  great  master  of  these  promising  Tulliuses,  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, laid  it  down  as  a fundamental  maxim,  that  small  duties  alone 
should  be  granted  by  way  of  protection  ; and  that  they  even  could 
not  be  continued  with  justice,  beyond  the  time  necessary  to  a fair 


13 


experiment.  Duties  ten  times  higher  than  he  considered  sufficient, 
have  now  existed  more  than  sixteen  years,  and  we  are  threatened 
with  a civil  war,  if  we  attempt  to  relieve  the  people  of  this  burthen. 

■ Banks  were  to  make  money  plenty,  for  every  body ; and  our  hon- 
est friends  in  the  country  were  to  be  relieved  of  the  state  tax,  by  a tax 
on  Bank  Capital,  which  was  wholly  paid  by  the  Capitalists  of  the 
city,  out  of  their  good  will  to  the  people;  and  no  advantage  to  the 
Capitalists.  Our  Governor  says,  to  their  disadvantage ; and  our  Au- 
thor says,  that  Corporations  benefit  men  of  small  means. 

We  shall  learn,  *in  a few  years,  whether  the  relative  wealth  and 
importance  of  the  farmers  and  mechanics,  compared  with  that  of 
professional  men,  bankers.  Corporators  and  merchants,  remain  the 
same.  But  we  may  learn  it  too  late. 

Although  these  remarks  have  taken  a wider  range  than  I expected, 
I should  not  dismiss  this  pamphlet  without  noticing,  more  particularly, 
the  hopes,  deceptive  hopes,  it  appears  to  me,  of  the  author,  to  establish 
the  authority  of  the  Legislature  over  all  Corporations,  as  effectually  as 
it  exists  over  all  other  objects  of  its  creation.  I have  no  doubt  of  the 
power  being  in  that  body;  or  of  the  propriety  of  its  constant  exer- 
cise. But  I fear  that  the  influence  of  Corporations  is  already  too 
great  for  any  successful  attempt  to  control  them.  The  recent  at- 
tempts in  the  case  of  the  Lowell  Railway,  and  others,  before,  show 
that  the  plainest  principles  of  equal  legislation,  even  between  these 
institutions,  with  a view  to  put  them  on  an  equal  footing  with  each 
other,  in  their  depredations  on  the  public,  is  not  within  the  power  of 
the  Legislature,  as  it  is  now  constituted.  Can  we  hope,  then,  with 
these  growing  elements  of  Corporate  influence  and  power,  to  see  our 
Legislature  more  favorably  constituted  for  a return  to  sound  princi- 
ples ? 

I am  happy  to  find  the  following  strong  sentence  in  the  pamphlet, 
which  should  settle  the  minds  of  the  public  on  the  inexpediency  of 
Corporations,  if  the  fears  I have  already  expressed  on  their  omnipo- 
tence should  be  confirmed. 

Our  author  says, — 

“ If  they  are  to  he  placed  beyond  legislative  control^  and  are  to 
become  monopolies^  and  perpetuities,  they  become  alarming  excres- 
cences upon  the  body  politick 

Now,  let  us  see  if  our  author  himself  do  not  furnish  some  reason 
to  apprehend  a power  in  certain  Corporations  out  of  the  reach  of  leg- 
islative action,  without  looking  to  our  late  records  for  corporate  opera- 
tion, and  successful  resistance,  where  abundant  proofs  may  be  found, 
of  a disposition  to  deny  legislative  authority.  I will  notice  one  in- 
stance, however,  before  I look  into  the  pamphlet. 

It  is  the  prevalent  opinion,  among  the  candid  of  all  parties,  that  the 
suppression  of  small  bills  is  very  desirable.  Several  states  have 
acted  on  this  opinion,  and  derive  great  benefit  from  the  change.  It 
has  been  proposed  here,  also,  but  in  vain.  The  influence  of  Banks, 


14 


in  the  Legislature,  now  deprives  us  of  this  much-desired,  and  benefi- 
cial change.  Would  the  banks  consent  to  leave  this  question  to  a 
vote  in  the  towns  and  cities,  and  abide  the  issue  ? If  they  would  not, 
(which  I doubt)  it  shows  that  legislation,  whatever  may  be  its  con- 
stitutional powers,  has  not  an  effective  power  over  these  Corporations. 
They  therefore,  are  above  the  legislature,  independent  of  the  constitu- 
tion, being  its  keepers,  and  expounders ; they  are,  in  fact,  the  State, 

Now  let  us  see  what  are  the  difficulties  of  controlling  Corporations 
by  legislative  action,  furnished  by  our  author,  and  inquire,  seriously, 
what  are  the  chances  of  returning  to  correct  principles  ; which  are 
the  only  hopes  that  we  can  rely  on,  for  our  future  peace  and  pros- 
perity. 

On  the  subject  of  Dartmouth  College,  our  author  informs  us,  that 
the  United  States  Court,  under  the  charge  of  Judge  Marshal,  and 
with  only  one  dissenting  voice  decided;  that  this  ancient  Corpora- 
tion held  its  privileges  independently  of  the  State  of  New  Hampshire, 
where  it  is  located,  where  it  had  its  physical  being,  (its  charter  com- 
ing from  England,)  where  it  has  received  additional  aliment  from  the 
colony,  and  the  state ; and  at  most,  the  adopted  child  of  the  state ; 
necessarily  condemned  to  a perpetual  minority ; or  destined  to  become 
the  rival  of  its  mother. 

To  use  the  forcable  language  of  our  author : 

“ Thus  the  authority  to  regulate  some  of  the  most  important  civil 
institutions,  and  particularly  that  of  education,  in  the  higher  branches 
of  literature,  and  the  sciences, — the  control  over  those  seminaries,  where 
the  citizens  are  educated,  who  are  destined  to  till  what  are  termed  the 
liberal  professions,  and  as  ministers,  lawyers,  physicians,  and  men  of 
letters,  are  to  enter  every  city,  town,  hamlet,  and  family  in  the  state, 
an  I directly  to  influence  the  condition  of  society — is  wrested  from  the 
states,  and  confided  to  irresponsible  perpetuities,  and  thus  made  inde- 
pendent, within  the  limits  of  the  state.  With  such  latitudinous,  and 
far-fetched  constructions,  the  federal  constitution  is,  whatever  the  fed- 
eral judiciary  may  please  to  make  it ; and  the  states  are,  in  fact,  in  pos- 
session of  little  more  power  than  the  bailiffs,  who  officiated  in  the  fed- 
eral courts.” 

Here  then  we  find  a reason  for  dreading  the  power  of  chartered 
Corporations,  somewhat  stronger  than  any  that  I have  suggested  be- 
fore, in  the  control  they  now  have  over  our  legislatures  ; for,  after  all, 
the  Corporators  who  would  become  our  masters,  would  be  our  fellow 
citizens.  But  the  power  claimed,  and  exercised  over  us  by  the  fed- 
eral court,  is  a foreign  power,  which  comes  within  ouf  borders,  to  ex- 
ercise domiciliary  visits,  at  the  call,  perhaps,  of  political  traitors,  or 
enemies  to  our  religion,  to  support  them  in  their  nefarious  efforts  to 
poison  the  minds,'  and  corrupt  the  morals  of  the  rising  generation. 
All  this  we  must  see  and  suffer,  but  cannot  remedy,  because,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  court,  it  would  be  the  violation  of  a contract. 

It  is  surprising,  that,  during  the  agitation  of  the  states-right  ques- 
tions, a few  years  ago,  the  gentlemen  of  the  South  did  not  discover  this 
weak  side  of  state  sovereignty.  What,  in  fact,  is  a small  tribute  to 


15 


the  Yankees,  in  a little  extra  duty  on  Negro  cloths,  when  compared 
with  the  right  claimed,  and  exercised  by  the  federal  court  at  Wash- 
ington; to  support  any  institution,  eleemosynary,  or  pecuniary,  in  the 
state  of  South  Carolina,  or  any  other  state,  which  may  see  fit  to  ab- 
stract itself, — its  moral  agency,  its  political  influence,  its  jurisdiction ; 
its  demoralizing,  anti-religious  doctrines,  its  anti-republican  doctrines, 
perhaps,  against  all  state  supervision  and  authority?  and  this  under 
the  plea,  of  such  independent  rights  having  been  chartered,  and  a 
charter  being  a contract. 

Some  alarm  has  occasionally  been  expressed,  at  the  evident  dispo- 
sition among  a certain  class  of  politicians,  to  convert  this  government 
from  a federative  to  a consolidated  form.  And  we  seem  not  to  be 
aware,  how  near  they  have  come  to  the  accomplishment  of  their  de- 
sign. Their  plan  of  campaign  was  admirably  well  projected.  The 
United  States  Court  constituted  the  grand  staff,  the  chief  justice  the 
general;  the  bar  of  the  states,  the  cavalry ; the  bench,  the  artillery ; 
and  banks  and  other  Corporations,  the  line. 

The  strategistical  movements  of  this  very  intellectual  and  well- 
appointed  army,  have  entirely  escaped  the  observation  of  their  oppo- 
nents; wuth  the  exception  of  one  old  soldier,  who  must  have  pen- 
etrated their  designs,  as  we  now  learn  by  his  counter  movements. 

The  plan  was,  by  the  irresistible  agency  of  the  U.  S.  Bank,  when 
so  chartered,  to  govern  domestic  and  foreign  exchange ; control,  and 
finally  destroy  the  state  banks,  when  their  aid  might  be  no  longer 
useful ; to  multiply  Corporations,  through  bank  facilities,*  as  some  of 
their  latest  acts  evinced,  by  the  favors  granted  them,  to  the  prejudice 
of  commerce;  and  thus  command  the  whole  capital,  and  rule  the 
whole  trading  community. 

When  all  this  should  have  been  accomplished,  the  central  pow- 
er of  this  innocent  member  of  our  government,  the  federal  court,  to 
which  some  of  us  have  looked  up  to,  as  the  palladium  of  our  state 
rights,  and  of  the  federal  union  would  have  proved  to  us,  that  the 
states  were  subordinate  to  the  multiplied  institutions  of  their  own  cre- 
ation; and  that  they  were  all  amenable  to  this  omnipotent  tribunal. 
The  seat  of  government  would  have  been  removed  to  Philadelphia, 
(this  the  writer  heard  hinted  at,  three  winters  ago,  in  that  city,)  it 
being  important  to  have  the  congress  under  the  influence  of  fashion, 
and  fear,  to  be  found  only  in  a large  city.  That  city,  already  populous, 
would  have  soon  become  the  rival  of  New  York.  I will  not  pre- 
tend to  pry  farther  into  the  mysteries  of  this  revolutionary  campaign, 
which  would  probably,  like  other  campaigns,  have  been  governed, 
in  some  degree,  by  circumstances. 

Most  of  our  civil  acts,  whether  corporate,  or  individual,  have  some^ 
thing  of  the  nature  of  contracts  in  them ; and  this,  alone,  is  enough  to 
draw  all  such  from  the  control  of  state  authority  to  that  of  the  U.  S. 
court.  Chief  Justice  Marshal  had  doubts,  whether  even  the  sacred 
contract  of  matrimony  may  not  be  made  amenable  to  his  court,  in  de- 
spite of  state  authority;  and  Judge  Story  has  no  doubts  that  such  is 
the  power  of  that  court. 


16 


Our  author  concludes  his  remarks,  by  exhibiting  a picture  of  con-' 
flicting  powers  in  the  state  of  New  Hampshire,  which  is  well  calcu- 
lated to  prove  to  the  enemies  of  republican  governments,  the  weak- 
ness, and  uncertainty  of  this,  the  fairest  experiment  that  has  yet  been 
tried.  He  shows  us  an  existing  and  powerful  Corporation  in  that 
state,  of  paramount  influence  over  its  destinies,  moral,  physical,  and 
religious;  exercising  its  independent  functions,  according  to  the  ca- 
price, or  private  interest,  of  its  trustees,  however  repugnant  they 
may  be  to  the  interest  and  moral  welfare  of  the  state.  And  all  this 
great  sovereign  power  it  derives  from  the  decision  of  a foreign  court, 
five  hundred  miles  off.  Now,  I would  humbly  ask  in  case  of  dijffi- 
culty,  to  what  power  would  this  institution  (Dartmouth  College) 
lean ; to  the  central  power  in  Washington,  or  the  local  power  in  New 
Hampshire  ? Is  it  not  the  sworn  vassal  of  the  lord  paramount  in  the 
capital  ? is  it  not  bound,  in  interest  and  in  honor,  to  do  homage  to  that 
power,  under  which  it  holds  its  feudal  authority  ? 

If  this  position  be  correct,  in  regard  to  this  Corporation,  that  it  nat- 
urally owes  allegiance  to  its  liege  lord ; must  it  not  follow  that  every 
Corporation,  which  pretends  to  hold  its  franchise  as  a contract,  and  a 
vested  right,  is  in  the  same  category  of  vassalage,  as  Dartmouth  Col- 
lege. Now,  the  inference  I would  draw  from  these  premises  is,  that 
we  have  unwittingly  created  a new  order  of  things,  never  contempla- 
ted by  the  framers  of  our  constitutions,  by  the  introduction  of  this 
new  power  of  corporations  combined.  They  have  called  on  the  states, 
humbly,  but  treacherously,  for  arms,  and  ammunition,  for  the  state  ser- 
vice, and  then  enlisted  in  a foreign  service. 

T hCorporations  will  and  must  cling  to  the  U.  S.  conrt  fof  the 
maintenance  of  their  privileges,  be  they  beneficial  to  the  states,  of 
not ; their  sympathies  must  be  there.  The  principle  of  Corporations 
will  not  be  denied ; it  is  based  on  privileges  and  exemptions.  Money 
is  the  moving  power ; but  that  must  move,  and  act  in  masses ; other- 
wise it  would  be  like  scattered  military  forces  without  a plan  of  ope- 
rations. To  move  and  act  in  masses,  with  an  effective  and  success- 
ful design  a head  is  necessary,  I am  aware  ; and  that  head  is  yet  want- 
ing. It  is  a power,  strong  and  permanent  to  control  the  money  and 
credit  of  the  country.  The  conspiracy  against  the  equal  rights  and 
liberties  of  the  people  is  here  defective.  The  hero  of  two  wars,  and 
theHercules,  who  cleansed  the  Augea  of  America  from  the  contamina- 
tion of  a bank,  and  banished  its  first  groom,  retires  from  his  impor- 
tant and  invaluable  labors.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether  this  same 
moving  hank  spirit  will  not  return ; or  some  other  leader  of  the  mon- 
ey-power, duly  authorized,  will  not  force  his  way  into  the  citadel,  by 
dint  of  Gold. 

If  this  ever  occur,  I humbly  ask  leave  to  record  here  my  opin- 
ion— nay,  my  prophecy, — that  we  shall  then  exhibit  to  the  world  a 
government,  such  as  the  world  never  saw  before.  What  will  follow 
it  no  man  can  tell,  for  history  is  dumb  on  this  subject,  and  offers  noth-^ 
ing  analogous.  But  it  will  not  be  a government  of  majorities. 


IT 

But  very  probably  would  be  a goyernment  composed  of  a successioif 
of  individuals  brought  up  amid  all  the  little  degrading  tricks,  prevarica" 
tions,  and  artifices,  which  are  the  common  means  of  acquiring  riches. 

Such  a state  of  society  would  almost  lead  even  democrats,  to  wish 
for  a restoration  of  the  laws  of  entail  and  primogeniture;  for  an  aris- 
tocracy by  birthright,  would  at  least  be  free  from  the  little  grovelling 
vices  of  a class  of  men  without  a liberal  notion,  or  an  idea  beyond 
dollars  and  cents,  or  tare  and  tret.  It  would  be  a government  of  vul- 
gar aristocracy,  in  place  of  a refined  aristocracy.  It  would  have  none 
of  the  redeeming  qualities  which  individual  human  sympathies  allow 
of,  even  in  despotic  governments ; all  the  channels  of  the  natural  and 
kind  impulses  of  humanity  would  be  closed  to  it;  for  the  very  essence 
of  its  constitution  Avould  be  found  the  cardinal  mriue  of  Corporations, 
They,  it  is  well  known,  are  heartless,  devoid  of  sympathies;  and, 
moreover,  ought  to  be  so,  and  have  no  right  or  lawful  power  to  be 
otherwise. 

Chivalry  and  a nice  sense  of  honor,  have  often  proved  to  be  useful 
checks  to  some  of  the  worst  passions  of  man.  But  how  could  chivalry 
and  refined  honor  he  expected  in  bodies  where  their  exercise  would 
be  a crime  against  the  constitution  of  those  bodies,  and  where  chivalry 
and  refinement  of  any  sort,  would  be  things  unknown  to  the  constitu- 
ent parts  of  those  bodies  ? 

I know  of  but  two  durable  governments  possible  for  this  or  any 
other  country ; the  one  is  a Despotism,  and  the  other  is  the  Goveriir 
ment  of  the  whole  people,  fairly  and  honestly  represented.. 


3^ 


